Some people will remember Robert P. Casey, Sr.as the 42nd
governor of Pennsylvania, others as a leader of the pro-life wing of the
Democratic Party of his day and defendant in the landmark lawsuit Planned Parenthood vs. Casey. However, the
really remarkable about Bob Casey, is that he stood his ground and followed his
convictions on a very polarizing but important subject, the right to
life, and that he did so even as his party espoused the pro-choice movement. In
spite of the ridicule he received from fellow Democrats, Casey did not abandon
the party that otherwise represented his ideals of helping the poor and
disenfranchised. Like a faithful husband, he clung to his party, always hoping
and believing that she would see the error of her ways and return to her stance
of compassion for all, even the weakest, even the unborn.
Casey was a compassionate man. The son of a coal miner, who
had worked his way up to become a lawyer, Casey had a deep empathy for the little man,
the weak, and the helpless. His convictions are clearly traceable in his
actions as a politician. He believed that the place of government was to protect
those persons and things most vulnerable to exploitation—children families,
workers, businesses, and the environment. His first cause as a junior
Pennsylvania state senator in 1962 was to pass a law to have all newborns
undergo a simple test for phenylketonuria (PKU), which can cause mental
retardation if left untreated. He continued his work during his tenure as
governor of Pennsylvania from 1987 to 1995. He did away with the electric chair
in favor of the more humane process of lethal injection as the state method of
capital punishment. He slashed business taxes and personal income taxes. He
worked to stop the expansion of gambling so workingmen would not fritter away wages that ought to be used to support their families. He enacted CHIP
(Children’s Health Insurance Program) to provide healthcare for families too
poor to purchase health insurance but that made too much money to be eligible
for public aid. And, notably, he was a strong leader of the pro-life sector of
the Democratic Party. He passed legislation in Pennsylvania that banned
partial-birth and gender-selection abortions, required a 24-hour waiting period
before obtaining an abortion, and required that spouses (and in the case of
minors, parents) be notified before a woman procured an abortion. In 1992 these
laws (except for spousal notification) were upheld by the Supreme Court in Planned Parenthood vs.
Casey; a lawsuit that nearly led to the overturn of Roe vs. Wade.
The Democratic Party did not appreciate Casey’s attempt to
curtail the abortion industry in Pennsylvania. Although he was a very prominent Democratic leader and,
had he not been very
inconveniently opposed to abortion, would have been an obvious choice for the keynote speaker at the Democratic National
Convention in 1992. But because of his stance the Democratic Party refused to allow him to speak. Casey had wanted to give a voice to his fellow
pro-life Democrats and “offer a strong dissent based on the party’s historical
commitment to protecting the powerless.” He believed that the alliance Democrats had formed with the
abortion industry was a mistake that went against the party’s long-standing
commitment to helping the helpless, the little guy. He wanted to engage Democrats in
an open-minded discussion about this new alliance, but DNC chairman Ron Brown
simply told Casey, “your views are out of line with most Americans.” This was an odd comment
coming from the leader of a convention purportedly focused on friendship and
inclusion. Shushing a man who wanted to voice his views is hardly inclusive.
Handing out pins of Casey dressed as the pope, a further jab at a man the Democrats
had already publicly humiliated, was hardly friendly. An official statement declared
that Casey was not permitted to speak because he had not endorsed Clinton, who
would be nominated at the convention; however, neither had some of the other
speakers. Just days after the convention, Casey would publicly back Clinton. The real reason Casey was denied was that the party did
not want to hear what he had to say, did not want to give publicity to a man
whose victory in the Casey ruling
was just a few years old, and did not want a ripple of disunity in the pool they decided everyone must swim in. They selected a pro-choice Republican to speak at
the convention instead. Yet Casey remained loyal to his party.
Casey’s fidelity is remarkable, given the abuse he received from the Democrats. In 1974, after two unsuccessful campaigns to
win governorship of Pennsylvania as a Democrat, he was offered a chance to run for governor
as a Republican. He refused, saying, “All Caseys have always been Democrats.” Was
he blindly adhering to the political affiliations of his forebears? Casey saw his party as the workingman’s party,
and his father had been a blue collar laborer, a coal miner, before becoming a
lawyer; a classic, home-grown, rags to riches story. Yet his connection with the Democratic Party
was due to more than warm family memories. Casey felt that the Republican Party
was all business, and did not have enough compassion for the workingman who
made those businesses possible. His loyalty was to helping the common man
realize the American Dream and to protecting those who had no one to protect
them.
In embracing the pro-abortion stance, Casey felt that Democrats were the ones who
had lost touch with what the people wanted. While still proud to be a Democrat,
Casey looked at the abortion industry with utter contempt, and pitied his
fellow party-members who had been sucked into an alliance that betrayed
American values and miserably failed in answering the call to protect the helpless. Yet
he never lost hope. Casey believed that party members had caved in out of
what they felt was necessity and that they would one day regret this
decision. He always hoped that the Democratic Party would see its mistake,
would change, would come back. This was the root of Casey’s loyalty--his constant
hope in a brighter future in which the Democrats, and all people, would work to
defend the most helpless or persons, the unborn.
Sources:
Casey, Edward. (2008). Caseys of Carbondale, Pennsylvania: Retrieved from: http://caseyhistory.com/p96.htm
Casey, Edward. (2008). Caseys of Carbondale, Pennsylvania: Retrieved from: http://caseyhistory.com/p96.htm
Chaput, Charles J. (2008). Render Unto Caesar: Serving the Nation by Living our Catholic Beliefs in Political Life. New York: Doubleday.
McHale, Elizabeth. (2008). Casey, Robert Patrick, Sr. (Bob). http://pabook.libraries.psu.edu/palitmap/bios/Casey__Robert_Sr.html
Pennsylvania Historical & Museum Commission: Robert P.Casey. Retrieved from: http://www.portal.state.pa.us/portal/server.pt/community/1951-present/4285/robert_p__casey/471869
Powell, Albrecht. Pennsylvania Death Penalty: History & Statistics of the Death Penalty in PA. Retrieved from: http://pittsburgh.about.com/cs/pennsylvania/a/death_penalty.htm
(2008). The Truth about Gov. Bob Casey and the 1992 DNC Convention. The Media Report. Retrieved from: http://www.themediareport.com/2008/11/01/the-truth-about-gov-bob-casey-and-the-1992-dnc-convention/
Powell, Albrecht. Pennsylvania Death Penalty: History & Statistics of the Death Penalty in PA. Retrieved from: http://pittsburgh.about.com/cs/pennsylvania/a/death_penalty.htm
(2008). The Truth about Gov. Bob Casey and the 1992 DNC Convention. The Media Report. Retrieved from: http://www.themediareport.com/2008/11/01/the-truth-about-gov-bob-casey-and-the-1992-dnc-convention/
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